Posted: July 20th, 2022

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The Enactment of Tatweer Policy in Saudi Arabia: A Policy Analysis



Chapter1: Introduction

1.1 Introduction

This thesis focuses on the Tatweer educational policy in Saudi Arabia. Tatweer is a word used for development in Arabic. The Tatweer policy was designed to develop the educational system of Saudi schools through self-evaluation, innovative learning, and inculcating a professional learning community (Alyami, 2014). The policy is worth examining because it forms part of Saudi Arabia’s efforts to repair its image on the international stage. My particular focus will be on the enactment of the policy amongst teachers and school leaders. The notion of enactment is specifically used, because it refers to the dynamic interpretations and translations of a policy by bringing contextual, historic, and psychosocial dimensions to produce actions and activities which are in line with the policy (Ball, Maguire and Braun, 2012). In this context, policy is seen as both a product and process that goes through a series of interpretation, reconstruction and reformulation starting from its formulation “up there” to its implementation “down there” in a particular educational setting (Bell and Stevenson, 2013). There is a need to examine its enactment because the literature shows that policy has never been fully prescriptive (Ball et al., 2012), even in a highly centralized system like Saudi Arabia. A policy does not prescribe one single course of action for teachers but requires interpretation as to how it should be implemented at the local level.

As such, it is important to study policy enactment because of the complexity of the process through which is interpreted and perceived by people at the grassroot level: school leaders and teachers, and because it is through enactment that there is room for teacher growth and evolution. The theory of enactment questions the performative processes in policy and their ties to the restrictive regulations in context of a broader education system. It also redefines what constitutes good teaching, quality of education and effective schooling. Overall, policies are used as a strategy to redefine the purpose of education (Singh et al, 2014).


My research should also be of interest, as much of the focus of previous studies of education policy has been, on the western nations notably including the UK, United States of America, and Nordic countries such as Finland. My research will serve to draw some attention to education policy in a region that is generally under-represented in the literature. Furthermore, the context of Saudi Arabia, a conservative country where Islam plays a, if not the, central role in public life, is quite different to the context of Western countries where public life is largely secular. Also, my research will help to understand the process of modernization of Saudi society and connecting it to the western world through education policy enactment. A further issue that will be explored includes an evaluation of the suitability of general education policies and their efficacy in a country like Saudi Arabia. The impact on Saudi Arabia vice versa western nations will also be an interesting facet to explore.


1.2 Background


Saudi Arabia is one of the most significant countries in the world not just because of its oil production but also being an important geopolitical player in the Muslim world. Saudi Arabia has always maintained good ties with western countries through military contracts and billions of dollars worth of trade and investment with the United States, United Kingdom, Germany, and other western countries. However, things have altered dramatically for Saudi Arabia since the terrorist attack of September 11, 2001. In the United States (U.S.), and perhaps globally, Saudi Arabia’s image was severely damaged by its alleged connections to radicalism and terrorism. The country was home to 15 of the 19 ‘9/11’ hijackers, and over 100 Saudi citizens made up the majority of prisoners held in captivity during the U.S. war in Afghanistan (USA Today, 2002). Saudi Arabia has also been accused of supporting Palestinian suicide bombers and opposed the U.S. plan to attack Iraq (Al-Miziny, 2010; CBS News, 2002).  Nevertheless, the Saudi Arabian government has been seeking to restore the country’s image internationally afterward.


Faced with an image crisis and international pressure, Saudi Arabia launched various image-repair campaigns beginning in mid-2002. The campaigns included hiring prominent U.S. public relations companies, running a number of television and radio slots in America, and placing advertisements in American magazines (New York Times, 2002 and Tariq and Michelle, 2013). The major components of the campaigns focused on denying wrongdoing, attacking accusers, and bolstering Saudi Arabia’s global image (Zhang and Benoit, 2004).


Together with the image-repair campaigns carried out in the U.S., the Saudi government also launched initiatives within their country, which mainly aimed to reform its political governance, economy, and education (Tariq and Michelle, 2013). Saudi Arabia is essentially a monarchy with an ultraconservative rule of law. To change its global image, the country also focused on sports and the entertainment industry. From 2018 onwards, Saudi Arabia organised a number of events to attract foreigners and tourists. Some of these major events included the 2020 Dakar rally, WWE pay per view wrestling events, the Saudi Invitational Golf Tournament and hosting global celebrities for their performances (HRW, 2020). Besides that, Saudi Arabia changed its rules regarding women and thereby reforming the traditional role of women in society. The most important was in 2017 when Saudi Arabia lifted the ban on women driving in the kingdom. For decades, women in Saudi Arabia were not allowed to sit behind the wheel. Women in the past were additionally not allowed to travel anywhere without a male guardian such as a brother, husband, or father. The second major law was passed in 2019, which allowed women aged 21 years and above to travel abroad independently. Before this, women were not allowed to travel abroad without their guardians (BBC, 2019).


On the economic front, Saudi Arabia being one of the largest producers of the oil, still relies heavily on the production and trade of oil for its revenue. These revenues enabled the country to transform from a tribal society to a modern nation state. Being a monarchy, Saudi Arabia is deeply centralized in terms of rule whereby citizens do not have the right to elect their leaders but the royal family who rule the country, employ a welfare system which provides free education, health care and job opportunities to its citizens. Most Saudi citizens are employed in the public sector and reap benefits from the Saudi government. However, due to a decreasing demand of crude oil coupled with lower prices, the effect on the economy has been drastic. The Saudi government has realized the need of shifting the primary source of economic revenue from oil to other economic sectors which mainly includes creating a friendly atmosphere and infrastructure for private companies and foreign investors. Saudi Arabia introduced several reforms to diversify its economy and improve its social system. To provide a safe and fair environment, an anti-corruption committee has also been established in the country. The committee has arrested more than 500 Saudi Arabian princes, government ministers, and businesspeople for corruption (Kirkpatrick, 2017).


In 2015, the Saudi government also launched Vision 2030 – a national plan aiming at reducing dependence upon the petroleum sector, diversifying the economy, and developing public service sectors, such as infrastructure, health, tourism, and education (Moshashai et al., 2018). However, one issue which Saudi Arabia still faces is increasing unemployment especially of the youth, who represent an overwhelming majority of the Saudi population. Being traditionally dependent on easily available jobs in the public sector, Saudi youth are not prepared to be employed in the private sector due to the lack of technical and relevant skills. The Saudi education system is still based on conservative teachings and lacks many of the aspects of a modern education system that can prepare Saudi students to compete in the global market.


To reform its education system and practice, the Saudi government introduced the Tatweer (development) policy in the beginning of 2007. This policy aims to make transformational changes in teachers’ skills, curricula, school activities, and the school environment (Saudi Vision, 2030). To achieve this, the government allocated approximately 293 million US Dollars in its initial phase and delivered various professional development programmes for 1,700 male and female teachers and school administrators from 50 secondary schools nationwide (Elyas and Al-Ghamdi, 2018). Given the significant budget allocated for policy implementation, and the continuous professional development of teaching and non-teaching staff, the government claims that the Tatweer policy will take education to new horizons that will, in turn, allow Saudi Arabia to better cope with globalization (Tatweer, 2016).


Regardless of its significant budget and lofty aims, it is worth investigating how the Tatweer policy is implemented by people working at the grassroots level: school leaders and teachers. This is the research project that I intend to complete for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. This study will investigate how the Tatweer policy is understood and enacted by school leaders and teachers in Saudi Arabia.


Policy enactment is closely related to policy implementation, but they have different paradigms. Policy implementation is outcome-driven while policy enactment focuses on the process and actors involved in the process. The concept of enactment was developed by Stephen Ball and his collaborators in their articles (Maguire, and Braun, 2010a, 2010b, 2012; Ball, Maguire, Braun, and Hoskins, 2011a, 2011b, 2011c; Maguire, Hoskins, Ball, and Braun, 2011). They describe the enactment is not a moment but a process “framed by institutional factors involving a range of actors” (Ball et al., 2012. p. 14). Policy enactment is underpinned by a notion that policies are infused with power relations. Ball asserts that policy starts from different points, take different directions, and then implemented in schools. There are different actors involved in this process. It is thus important to study the influence of global actors on the policy process and implementation. This is why policy enactment helps us to understand policy through interpretation and translation by “bringing together contextual, historic, and psychosocial dynamics into a relation with texts and imperatives to produce action and activities that are policy” (Ball et al.,2012.  p. 71). The notion of enactment is used because a policy will undergo a process of interpretation, reconstruction, and reformulation when it reaches a particular educational setting (Bell and Stevenson, 2013). Thus, Ball et al. (2012) state that policy enactment involves interaction that is continuous and collaborative among diverse actors and systems within the networks that are involved in the formulation of laws and policies. By interpreting and translating (decoding and recoding) legislative texts, they are moved from the context of legislative formulation to implementation in classrooms and institutions. In line with it, this study will specifically investigate the enactment of the Tatweer policy from the perspective of actors working in schools in Saudi Arabia. It will also attempt to understand how the policy affects the practices of school leaders and teachers, as well as exploring the tensions and possibilities experienced by the leaders and teachers when they enact the policy. Additionally, the impact of national regulations and guidelines on the process of enactment will also be studied.  The Tatweer policy has been formulated due to global influence on the Saudi Education system and the need for preparing students and teachers to compete in the global market. The purpose of my research is to inform Saudi and international policy makers and researchers about the ways in which the Tatweer policy is enacted in different schools and the impact of the process on school leaders and teachers who are the main actors of policy enactment. The research also highlights the aspects that focus on the different positions and perspectives of these actors. The Tatweer policy is a relatively new policy but the actors that are a part of policy enactment are both new as well as experienced teachers and school leaders. The process through which these actors evolve through the implementation of the Tatweer policy is also interesting to study (Maguire et al, 2015).


The research focus is justified by the growing body of research on the implementation of the Tatweer policy in Saudi Arabia (Alyami, 2014; Elyas et al., 2013; Meemar, 2018; Elyas and Al-Ghamdi, 2018; Alyami & Floyd, 2019). However, existing research has mainly focused on how the policy aims to produce educational reforms and encourage the use of information and communications technology (ICT) devices in secondary schools throughout the country. The ways in which the Tatweer policy is enacted by different school leaders and teachers remains under-researched. For instance, Tayan (2017) raises a number of criticisms of the reforms, including their impact on teacher’s autonomy, but he is not able to draw upon the views of teachers and school leaders. These are the very people that are tasked with implementing the policy. Additionally, he is not able to explore whether teachers and school leaders are able to resist these reforms. My research will be able to shed new light on these issues and more.


This research will be undertaken as a form of policy analysis. This research will draw on Rizvi and Lingard’s (2010) framework for policy analysis and other elements of the policy sociology tradition. Although Rizvi and Lingard take a “top-down” approach to policy, their framework is helpful because it considers policy as both an outcome and a process (Rizvi and Lingard, 2010). By employing their framework and combining it with other elements of the policy sociology tradition, my research will explore and find answers to three research questions, namely:


  1. From the perspectives of leaders and teachers, how do people working at schools “make sense” of the Tatweer policy?
  2. In which ways are the practices of school leaders and teachers affected by the introduction of the Tatweer policy?
  3. What are the tensions and possibilities experienced by school leaders and teachers when enacting the Tatweer policy?


In accordance with the research questions above, I will use a qualitative research design. The research will draw mainly on semi-structured interviews with teachers and school leaders and the related review of documents obtained in this context.


The remainder of this thesis is divided into four parts. First, this chapter discusses the national context and the Tatweer policy, the focus of the study. The second chapter reviews the relevant research literature. The third, and last, chapter explains and justifies the proposed methodology for conducting the research.

1.3 The National Context

King Abdul-Aziz Ibn Saud founded Saudi Arabia in 1932. The Saudi population is around 34,776,977 (UNESCO Institute for Statistics (UIS), 2019), which includes 12.14 million non-citizens (Saudi Statistics, 2018). Islam is the state religion. Saudi Arabia’s legal system adopts the law derived from the Islamic prophet’s Qur’an and the Islamic prophet Muhammad’s Sunnah or traditions, called Sharia.


Saudi Arabia is one of the world’s leading economies. The enormous oil reserves of this Gulf country, discovered in the 1930s, has helped transform Saudi Arabia from an undeveloped country to a leading player in global economics over the past decades (Meemar, 2018). The organisation of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) claims that, as the world’s largest petroleum exporter, Saudi Arabia has about 18% of the proven oil reserves in the world. OPEC (2019) also emphasises that oil and gas production has contributed to 50% of the gross domestic product (GDP) and 70% of the export income.


Saudi Arabia consists of 13 administrative regions. As a unitary state, Saudi Arabia runs an absolute monarchy system with a centralised governmental system. The central government in Riyadh makes all decisions related to education. Two main dedicated supervisory bodies are the Ministry of Education (MOE) and the Ministry of Higher Education (MHE)


The MOE funds the state school system and overseas public schools through the education departments, directorates, and education offices in the various regions. The MOE guide and monitor educational policies, staff recruitment standards, as well as textbooks and curriculum (MOE, 2019). The MOE utilises 42 and 41 directorates of education for male students and female students, respectively. The directorates are located in different provinces and cities throughout Saudi Arabia. Men mainly manage each directorate. The directorate is responsible for conducting the hiring system, organising relevant training programmes, and maintaining resources, such as technologies and other facilities. (MOE, 2019).


Compulsory education in Saudi Arabia started in 1932 after its independence. However, history shows that the Arabian Peninsula is famous for its pronunciation tradition, which is expressed in the form of poetry, oral history, and verbal debates (Khalil and Alhekma, 2016). Students were taught calligraphy as a way of preserving the Quran, the most respected oral practise, and holy scriptures. Before the introduction of compulsory education, the Arabian Peninsula adopted a decentralised system as its educational structure. The system included four different scenarios: (1) students gathering around a teacher to listen to a story, called the halaqah or semicircle; (2) teachers coming directly to the students’ homes, which was called the kuttab; (3) people gathering together to discuss certain topics in any bookstores in major cities; and (4) students sharpening their riding skills, called the Badiah, in the homes of the Nomads (Abdulkareem n.d and Al-Salloom 1996). However, such education was a privilege for men from wealthier families who could afford to pursue it without otherwise remaining focused on manual labour. This form of education did not percolate largely through the masses, even though education in itself had originated in the traditions of oral storytelling, language, and religion, and had never been formalised through registered institutions (Khalil and Alhekma, 2016).


The oil discovery led to massive urbanisation and the creation of a formalised compulsory education system for men as initiated by the Ministry of Education in 1954 and for women as initiated by the General Presidency in 1960, respectively. Both government bodies emphasised four fundamental values that still describe the current education policy: Islamic centred education, centralisation, gender separation (although in some government primary schools, this has recently changed to mixed-gender (Alarabiya, 2019)), and a state-supported financial system (Khalil and Alhekma, 2016).


Saudi Arabia began expanding its institutions and infrastructure considerably in the 1960s, supported by rising oil revenues. In 1970, Saudi Arabia released a series of five-year development plans, which further had a radical impact on Saudi Arabia educational policies as well as other public sector concerns (Elyas and Al-Ghamdi, 2018). School enrolments at the elementary level, the intermediate level, and the secondary level increased by 192%, 375%, and 712% respectively, during the first three five-year plans (Smirnova, 2012). In this century, further developments were made in educational participation. For instance, the net enrolment ratio in upper-secondary institutions recently increased to 85% in 2018, from only 51% in 2009 (WENR, 2020). Despite this rise, the overall educational attainment levels in Saudi Arabia are still relatively low. Almost 43% of Saudi Arabia’s population between the age of 25-64 years had education below the upper secondary education compared to OECD average of 22% (OECD, 2019).


In 2018, Saudi Arabia had approximately 7.7 million school students. About 87% of those attended public schools; meanwhile, the remainder attended private schools. There were a total of 30,625 registered schools in Saudi Arabia in 2018. That total is split by public schools (86%) and private schools (14%). During 2013–2017, the total number of public schools decreased by 1%, meanwhile, over the same period, the total number of private schools increased by 13% (Strategic Gears, 2018). There are about 525,615 K–12 teachers in government schools (MOE, 2018).

The twelve-year education phases in Saudi Arabia start with the elementary phase for six years, followed by the intermediate and the secondary phase for three years each respectively. The twelve-year educational phases are compulsory, and six-year-old children are required to enrol and start the phases accordingly. Early childhood education is neither compulsory nor prioritised. In 2017, only about 22% of those between the ages of three and five attended early childhood schools in Saudi Arabia (OECD, 2019).


Free public elementary education is available for all Saudi Arabian children and lasts for the six years of first through sixth grade. The curriculum covers Islamic and Arabic studies, mathematics, sciences, and the arts. More advanced subjects, including social studies, computer sciences and English, are introduced in later years (WENR, 2020). Females have a slightly different curriculum. For example, until recently, it excluded physical education. However, this exclusion has been terminated in 2014 (UIS, 2019). In 2018, public schools provided education to 87% of the country’s registered elementary students, while private schools only served 13% (OPEC, 2019). The share of the private sector in educating students has been traditionally smaller than public elementary schools but this trend has been slowly reversing through educational reforms.


Students in the general stream start the major curriculum in the tenth grade and begin a more in-depth study of the sciences or liberal arts in the eleventh and twelfth grades. The major curriculum includes Islamic and Arabic studies, English, mathematics, chemistry, physics, biology, computer and information technology, geology, geography, history, health, and physical education (WENR, 2020). Meanwhile, the religious, vocational, and technical streams place more emphasis on Islamic studies and vocational training alongside the major curriculum (Alrashidi & Phan, 2015).


Saudi Arabia recognises the need to improve the performance of its educational system. Despite the MOE projected budget of approximately SR135 billion, or 5.6% of the gross domestic product (GDP) per school year, the country’s educational achievement is considered weak (MOE, 2017). In a ranking of educational achievement with 110 countries around the world, Saudi Arabia only ranked 50th in 2013, 14 ranks higher than the previous year (Khalil & Alhekma, 2016). Although this increase indicates progress, the rank is still considered low, especially since Saudi Arabia has the world’s 19th highest GDP (Khalil & Alhekma, 2016). In 2015, the World Economic Forum (WEF) ranked Saudi Arabia 54th among 140 countries according to their education quality index (Arab News, 2015). Another important indicator is the unemployment rate. More than half of Saudi Arabia’s population is under the age of 30 (Saudi Statistics, 2018), and about 25% of the total population is unemployed, while underpaid migrant workers make up most of the non-oil-related workforce in Saudi Arabia (WENR, 2020).


The poor quality of education is also inadvertently affecting the labour market. The labour market in Saudi Arabia is also highly divided and there is not enough supply from Saudis to meet the demand of the market. Especially it is evident in case of female employees. Also, most Saudi graduates prefer to work in the administrative sector. However due to increasing technological advancement, the market requires more workers in technical subjects like engineering and information technology. Due to high dropout rates with restricted university enrolment and poor quality of education, several issues have been created in the Saudi labour market. Previously, most graduates were accommodated in the public sector but now due to the increasing number of youth and new graduates, the strained public sector is unable to accommodate them as it mainly comprises administrative jobs. Concurrently, the public sector is unwilling to bear the cost of recruiting and training unskilled Saudi staff members. Due to this issue, Saudi nationals are still mainly employed only in the public sector whereas most private sector jobs are held by expatriates. Statistics show around two-thirds of work force in Saudi Arabis are expatriates and 88% of the jobs in private sector are held by them (Mishrif and Alabduljabbar, 2018).

The private sector continues to highlight many issues regarding the employability of Saudi citizens which mainly relates to a lack of skills and training required to meet the criteria of the job market. Research shows that most Saudi graduates are in the field of social sciences and humanities whereas the labour market requires science and technological graduates which are undersupplied by the Saudi education system. The effect of a lack of practice and professional knowledge is substantial in the private sector as most Saudis are losing jobs to highly skilled and less costly expatriates coming from across the World (Mishrif and Alabduljabbar, 2018).


To improve the educational system and prepare the younger generations for future careers within a knowledge-based economy, King Abdullah has been working since 2007 to improve educational policies with the goal of meeting a level of achievement comparable to developed countries (Alyami, 2016). Saudi Arabia is committed to implementing far-reaching educational reforms, including the re-training of school staff, especially teachers; the launch of modernised school curricula that emphasise critical thinking skills; the building of several new schools; and the adoption of a decentralised system to break from the current rigidity of its centralised system (Alyami, 2016). This is where the Tatweer policy arises.


1.4 The Tatweer Policy


Tatweer in Arabic literally means development (Tayan, 2017). The Tatweer policy primarily aims at modernizing education in Saudi Arabia and preparing the country to face global challenges and demands. It is expected that before 2030, there will be a significant movement from a conservative to a “modern” educational environment. The modern education system that the policy aims to create will include: (i) a comprehensive educational curriculum that could improve learning outcomes; (ii) competent teachers to implement international standards curricula; (iii) an inclusive school learning environment; and, (iv) a wide range of extra-curricular activities that could foster students’ psychological and social well-being (Mariam, 2015). The policy was initially proposed by King Abdullah bin Abdul-Aziz as a project for public education development in 2007. It was first piloted in 25 male secondary schools, and in 25 female secondary schools across 25 provinces. The first phase focused on school development, and the second phase centres on self-school evaluation in an attempt to create a professional learning community (Tatweer, 2016).


The development of this policy was triggered by several factors. The first one is closely related to globalization. Burbules and Torres (2003) note that the form that organization and policy takes is influenced by globalization. The policy is designed to lead to the creation of local school systems which can competitively support educational development in Saudi Arabia (Alyami, 2016). Moreover, the policy was also developed because, after the 9/11 attacks, there was global pressure to make substantial educational changes in Saudi Arabia (Mathis, 2010). In response, the decision was made to institute changes relating to three fundamental aspects of education, namely: curriculum, the use of technology in teaching and learning processes, and a devolved education system. The policy was also developed in response to the country’s poor performance in the International Mathematics and Science Survey (TIMSS) and Program for International Student Assessment (PISA) (Alyami, 2016). Based on the two surveys, it was found that Saudi’s students showed a disconcerting performance in Mathematics and Science, compared to other countries globally and in the gulf region.

According to Ayami (2016), the Tatweer policy sees lifelong learning processes utilized by learners in their entire lives, as the core of an education system. Its main three principles are that education should be: 1) available for all students and learners,  2) a permanent process of lifelong learning that ensures learners have the capability to survive and overcome global changes, 3) a responsibility for all, meaning that all people have to be involved, including the learners, teacher, head teachers, government, and communities as the supporting system in building educational environment. These principles are derived from the Millennium Development Goals 2020 (MDGs) regarding equity and quality in lifelong learning.


Prior to the adoption of the policy, all aspects of education policy were controlled by the government, including curriculum, syllabus, and textbooks. All the textbooks which have to be used in the kingdom’s schools for each subject and grade were fixed. The materials for national examination were taken from the textbooks, and teachers were instructed to include examination questions which are in the textbooks (Oyaid, 2009). Prior to the implementation of the Tatweer policy, there had been very limited scope for the exercise of professional judgement by teachers or school leaders.


The launch of Tatweer schools was intended to bring about significant change in the education environment in Saudi Arabia. According to Tayan (2017), the Tatweer policy has shifted the power structure within the Saudi Arabian education system, moving towards a more decentralized school governance system. The aim of this shift is to increase the efficiency of the school staff – teachers, headteachers, and principals – and to give them a sense of empowerment (Tayan, 2017). Alyami (2014) argues that the Tatweer Schools are different from other schools in several respects, in particular: providing more autonomy for the principals over the provision and use of advanced technological tools, involvement of student and parents in decision-making, intensive teacher training in creating lesson plans and using technology, and the implementation of self-evaluation system to build their schools’ plan for the following year. Other schools, on the other hand, do not have these privileges: they can only follow the received plans from the MOE.


Alyami (2016) has claimed that this distinctive policy encourages schools to be autonomous, where they can perform self- planning and evaluation. However, Alenzei (2015) found that, regardless of its aims, Tatweer policy has a heavy emphasis on in the use of ICTs in various educational settings in the country. This is evident in the government spending around 20 percent of the total education budget for the provision of technological devices. In 2010, the budget was implementing the Tatweer policy was approximately $36.7 Billion (Integrated business planning, 2011). In 2014, around $56 Billion was allocated for the implementation of the Tatweer policy, signifying an almost 50% increase in 4 years (Aburaef, 2014).


Elyas and Al-Ghamdi (2018), on the other hand, carried out a critical analysis of the Tatweer policy of introducing English as a foreign language in secondary schools throughout Saudi Arabia. They found that the Saudi government’s concern about the English language is founded on the belief that it is a medium to connect with the global world. However, both teachers and students found it difficult to learn English for various reasons because the country lacked competent English teachers and learning materials. This suggests that the implementation of the Tatweer policy has presented people working at the schools, especially leaders and teachers, with some challenges in their daily practice.


However, it is important to mention here that there is little research on the implementation of the policy, while access to official documents is also difficult. Alenzei (2015) is one of a few who examined the use of ICT devices as a part of Tatweer policy implementation in Saudi schools. Another study also focuses on the use of technological devices at Tatweer schools, and teachers’ experience in using them (Fallata, 2016). Alyami (2016) also conducted a research looking at technological innovations in Tatweer Schools. The study conducted by Tayan (2017) explored power and the influence of globalization on the Tatweer policy.


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